A great analysis by Sultan Sooud Al Qassemi 

http://gulfnews.com/opinions/an-expanded-gcc-challenges-and-opportunitie...

For the sake of clarity the term GCC 1.0 will be used to refer to the original six members of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain and Qatar while the term GCC 2.0 will refer to the expanded entity that includes the previous six states as well as Jordan and Morocco.
Although no dates are announced yet, the new post expansion GCC 2.0 entity will have a larger population, enhanced pool of resources and a greater set of challenges. Through Jordan the GCC 2.0 will have borders with Palestine, Syria and most precariously, Israel. Through Morocco, GCC 2.0 will have borders with Mauritania and Algeria as well as contested territory with Spain in the towns of Ceuta and Melilla.
According to the latest reports by Qatar’s Doha Bank the GDP of the GCC 1.0 will this year reach $1,402 billion making it the world’s thirteenth largest economy. Although the economies of Morocco and Jordan would only contribute around $200 billion between them in aggregate the potential to develop the services, tourism, industrial and trade sectors in these two monarchies is extremely promising. Politically, the parliaments of Jordan and Morocco are, alongside Kuwait’s amongst the most active and empowered in the Arab world today.
The GCC 2.0 means that citizens of Jordan and Morocco will be able to visit, reside and work in the GCC 1.0 states without a need for a visa. Citizens from the two new states will be able to own property, shares and other assets in their fellow bloc states.
The GCC 2.0 area would expand from 2.5 million square km to 3.3 million square km and its population would almost double from 39 million to 77 million. Thus the population of the GCC 2.0 will be equal to that of Iran, to whom perhaps this expansion is intended as a message. 
The skepticism that the GCC 1.0 States hold towards the Arab Spring has manifested itself in this latest announcement. The Gulf States are concerned by the rapprochement that post-revolutionary Egypt has been displaying towards Iran. After Tunisia and Egypt, the survival of the 12 remaining Arab republican regimes is not guaranteed and the remaining eight Arab monarchies recognise the need to enhance collaboration both on the internal and external levels. They have identified the GCC as the ideal body for them to make an immediate and exponential leap in political, military and economic relations.
In the mean time, the Arab League, itself a weak and discredited body will likely continue to flounder for the medium term at least until a solid democratic Egypt emerges. It would be a mistake though for the GCC 2.0 states to neglect the Arab League as an institution or the remaining republic regimes during this process.